Indicators of Risks to Media Pluralism

Media Audience Concentration

Result: High Risk

This indicator aims to assess the concentration of audience and readership across media platforms based on audience share. Concentration is measured by using the nationwide biggest 4 owners in the market. Presented are the sums of audience shares based on audience data provided by Idra Media. 

Why? 

Due to unavailability of audience data for print, online and radio markets and a highly concentrated TV market the risk of Media Audience Concentration in Albania is measured as HIGH

In the Albanian media market only one research agency remains active and provides media audience data, Idra Media. Idra Media provides audience data for the television market, covering the main urban areas, including the capital Tirana and 5 cities (Shkodra, Fier, Korca, Elbasan and Durres). The audience data from Idra Media on specific companies are confidential and cannot be published, however they were used by MOM Albania team to calculate the audience concentration for the top four owners in the free-on-air TV market

TV MARKET: 86.94 %

Partial data from Idra Media (share of top ten outlets) shows that the TV market has a high concentration with four major owners (Frangaj family, Hoxha Family, Hysenbelliu Family, Carlo Bollino) reaching an audience share 86.94%, 

PRINT MARKET: No data

There is no audience data on print readership, therefore it is impossible to measure the audience concentration. The lack of audience data is considered a HIGH risk to Media Pluralism.  

RADIO MARKET: No data

There is no audience data on radio audience, therefore it is impossible to measure the online audience concentration. The lack of audience data is considered a HIGH risk to Media Pluralism.  

INTERNET MARKET: No data

There is no audience data on online readership, therefore it is impossible to measure the online audience concentration. The lack of audience data is considered a HIGH risk to Media Pluralism.  

LOW MEDIUM HIGH 
Audience concentration in Television (horizontal) 

Percentage: 86.94% 

If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share above 50%. 
Audience concentration in Radio (horizontal) 

Percentage: no data

If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share above 50%. 
Readership concentration in newspapers (horizontal) 

Percentage: no data

If within one country the major 4 Owners have a readership share below 25%. If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a readership share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a readership share above 50%. 
Audience concentration in Internet (horizontal) 

Percentage: no data

If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share above 50%. 

 

SOURCES:

Television Audience Data (8 May 2022- 8 May 2023), Idra Media

Media Market Concentration

Result: High Risk

This indicator aims to assess the horizontal ownership concentration based on market share which illustrates the economic power of companies/ groups. Concentration is measured for each media sector by adding the market shares of the major owners in the sector. 

Why? 

Market concentration within the TV MARKET is high: 72.4% (free-on-air commercial market) or 83.99% (the entire market including the digital network providers and the public broadcaster) of the market belong to only 4 owners. 

The two biggest owners of the market control more than half of the market with 58.27% of the market share.

The Albanian television market can be divided in three main categories: a) Pay Per view service provided by DigitAlb, Tring and other cable televisions and Public Radio Television. b) free on-air television supported mainly through advertising. c) local level television with little financial or public weight. MOM separated pay-per-view from free-on-air because pay-per-view exists mostly as an entertainment service where "news" is not a priority. MOM decided to include Public Radio Television in this category since most of its revenues stem from the state budget and from a special tax on owning a TV set that is paid by families and collected through the electricity bill.

The Free-on-Air Commercial TV market includes 15 companies operating major television channels that have weight in the market. MOM has calculated, based on the balance sheets of the television companies for 2022, that the aggregate revenues of these eight players is 5.9 billion lek (52.6 million USD). All are based in Tirana. The rest of televisions, several dozen stations across the country have very little weight. Overall, these 15 televisions represent more than 90% of the television market. A full list of the channels can be found by clicking here.

Television sector has the lion's share in the overall media market due to both popularity of the pay-per-view and weakening of print media. The free-on-air media market has revenues of 5.9 billion Lek as for 2022, compared to revenues of just 328 million Lek of total revenues of 7 print media companies, which include both revenues from ads and from newspaper or magazine sales. The advertising market seems also concentrated with few telecommunication companies providing the most of the ad revenues for the media. 

The four biggest owners in the free-to-air commercial market are: Frangaj Family with Klan Media, Hoxha Family with Top Media, Dulaku Family with Vizion Plus and Ulaj Brothers with G2 Media.

Free-on-Air TV Market Concentration
Frangaj Family has 34.67% of the market (TV Klan)
Hoxha Family has 23.61% of the market (Top Channel)
Dulaku Family has 7.31% of the market (Vizion Plus)
Ulaj Brothers have 6.88% of the market (A2 CNN)

This shows that two families Hoxha and Frangaj alone have over 58.27% of the television market, while all four owners combined have a market share of 72,47%.

TV market including pay-per-view: MOM has also calculated the television market including the pay-per-view Digital Broadcasting Networks and the Public Broadcaster, which also provides digital broadcasting platforms for other local Television companies. In addition to 15 free-to-air commercial companies in this sample we have DigitAlb, Tring and RTSH resulting in a market of 12.8 billion Lek (137 million USD). The four biggest players in this market are:

Pay-per-view TV Market Concentration
Hoxha Family has the market share of 36.12% (10.98% – Top Channel and 24.74% – DigitAlb and 0.4% - ADTN)
Frangaj Family has the market share of 16.13% (16.13% – Klan TV)
Public Broadcaster has the market share of 17.38%
Dulaku Family has the market share of 14.36% (3.4% – Vizion Plus and 10.96% – Tring)

All four control 83.99% of the market, with the Hoxha family alone controlling 36.12% of the market. This shows that the Television market in Albania, including or excluding the digital pay-per-view TV, is extremely concentrated. 

RADIO MARKET: No data 

MOM was unable to calculate market share of Radio companies because the data was inconsistently available. Most of the radio stations in the sample did not have balance sheets separate for the outlet because they were part of bigger radio and television companies. The horizontal ownership concentration for the radio market therefore was not computable.  

PRINT MARKET: 71.15%

The MOM sample of 8 Print outlets includes all the national informative print outlets in the Albanian small print market. The print market in Albania is rather small, 328 million Lek (3.52 million USD) with one big owner that runs two newspapers and the remaining owners have rather modest circulation and revenues. The two biggest players in the print market are: 

Print Market Concentration
Irfan Hysenbelliu has 48.55% of the market (43.28% – Panorama and 5.27% – Gazeta Shqiptare)
Leka Brothers have 22.6% of the market (22.6% – Monitor)

The market leader, businessman Irfan Hysenbelliu alone controls nearly half of the market with 48.55% of market share. Whereas two largest owners have a market share of 71.15%

ONLINE MARKET: No data 

MOM was unable to calculate market share of Online Media companies because the data was inconsistently available. Most of the Online Media are a part of existing mainstream media, for example print and / or television and did not have balance sheets separate for their online outlets. The horizontal ownership concentration for the online market therefore was not computable.  

Score: 12 out of 12 = High Risk

LOWMEDIUMHIGH
Media market concentration in television (horizontal): This indicator aims to assess the concentration of ownership within the TV media sector. 
Percentage:  72,47%
If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share above 50%. 
Media market concentration in radio (horizontal) : This indicator aims to assess the concentration of ownership within the Radio media sector.    
Percentage: not assessed    
If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have an audience share above 50%. 
Media market concentration in newspapers (horizontal): This indicator aims to assess the concentration of ownership within the print  sector.
Percentage:  71.15%    
If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share above 50%. 
Media market concentration in Internet Content Providers 
Percentage: not assessed    
If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share below 25%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share between 25% and 49%.  If within one country the major 4 owners (Top4) have a market share above 50%.  

SOURCES:

National Business Center (2022)

Regulatory Safeguards: Media Ownership Concentration

Result: High Risk

This indicator assesses the existence and effective implementation of regulatory safeguards (sector-specific and/or competition law) against a high horizontal concentration ownership and/or control in the different media. 

Why?

  • Neither the Albanian Constitution nor the Albanian Civil Code contains any provision regarding media ownership concentration. The main piece of legislation laying down preventive rules on media concentration and monopolization is Law No. 97/2013, "On audiovisual media", as currently in force. This law contains provisions aimed at limiting the shares of a shareholder or his family members (up to the second degree) in a second or third media company, while it also introduces restrictions on the volume of advertising that a media company can broadcast. Another piece of legislation laying down rules for regulating monopolies is Law 9121/2003 "On the protection of competition". This law sets out general rules for all types of businesses and addresses vertical control as well as indirect control issues.

  • Only those audiovisual media broadcasting fall within the scope of the law. There is no equivalent law / regulation for print media and online media. Press and online media are not subject to any restrictions.

  • Regarding audiovisual media, restrictions are imposed on the percentage of the total capital (20%) in a second company holding a national license, while for analogue audio broadcasting media, the maximum amount of participation in a third media with a national license is limited to 10% of that media company’s capital. The audiovisual media law also regulates situations of conflict of interests arising in cases where two or more shareholders of a media company are family members up to the second degree. In such cases, the law will allow only one of the shareholders to hold shares in that company.

  • The audiovisual media law also provides for a restriction of a commercial nature, which concerns the prohibition of occupying a share of more than 30% of the advertising market by a company that holds a national audio or audio-visual broadcasting license. However, this is not easily applied in practice, as the law does not specify how to measure the advertising share, whether this percentage refers to the value of the advertisements or to the advertising airtime. Also, it is not clear how the lengthy teleshopping advertisements (infomercials) are measured, making it impossible for the law to meet its objective which is to limit the level of advertising market share.

  • Albanian legislation does not contain definitions for the terms of media monopolization and concentration. The only concepts that the law introduces are those of the limitation of the owner’s share/voting rights in respect of a second media company and a limitation on the share of the audio and audiovisual media advertising market that a media company might occupy. There is currently no political or legislative imitative pending or under consideration for introducing further regulation on media ownership, prevention of monopolization and concentration of media ownership. 

  • Article 62 Law no. 97/2013 lays down some mechanisms to avoid media concentration; nevertheless, the article is applicable only to audio-visual media. In the area of audio-visual broadcasting, the competent monitoring body is the Audiovisual Media Authority (AMA) whose role is to oversee the implementation of provisions aimed at preventing media ownership concentration. Some of the main functions of AMA are: issuing and revoking of licenses and / or authorizations; ensuring fair competition; cooperating with other institutions for the fulfillment of legal objectives, such as the Competition Authority, the Consumer Protection Commission; monitoring of programs transmitted by the Audiovisual Media Service Providers. AMA also oversees the implementation of the law on media by entities operating in the audio-visual field and in case of violation, takes administrative measures and imposes sanctions. However, the law does not provide for mechanisms aimed at preventing situations that endanger media pluralism or concentration of ownership at unacceptable levels.

Regulatory Safeguard Score:

7.5 out of 20 = High Risk (37,5%).

1 = media-specific regulation/ authority

0.5 = competition-related regulation/ authority

Television, Radio, print and OnlineDescriptionYesNoNAMD
4.1Does the media legislation contain specific thresholds or limits, based on objective criteria (e.g. number of licenses, audience share, circulation, distribution of share capital or voting rights, turnover/revenue) to prevent a high level of horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in this sector?This question aims to assess the existence of regulatory safeguards (sector-specific) against a high horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in the TELEVISION sector.1
4.2Is there an administrative authority or judicial body actively monitoring compliance with the thresholds in the audiovisual sector and/or hearing complaints? (e.g. media and/or competition authority)?This variable aims to assess if the law/regulation provides a due monitoring and sanctioning system for the regulation on audiovisual media concentration.2
4.3Does the law grant this body sanctioning/enforcement powers in order to impose proportionate remedies (behavioural and/or structural) in case of non-respect of the thresholds?

The variable aims at assessing if the law is providing a due system of sanctions to sector-specific regulation, such as:

  • Refusal of additional licences;
  • Blocking of a merger or acquisition; 
  • Obligation to allocate windows for third party programming; 
  • Obligation to give up licences/activities in other media sectors;
  • Divestiture.
2
4.4Are these sanctioning/enforcement powers effectively used?This indicator aims to assess the effective implementation of sector-specific remedies against a high horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in the television media.1
Total           6 out of 16
MEDIA MERGERSDescriptionYesNoNAMD
4.17Can a high level of horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in the media sector be prevented via merger control/competition rules that take into account the specificities of the media sector?

This question aims to assess the existence of regulatory safeguards (sector specific and/ or competition law) against a high horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in the media sector through merging operations. For instance, the law should prevent concentration in merging operations: 

- By containing media-specific provisions that impose stricter thresholds than in other sectors;

- The mandatory intervention of a media authority in merger and acquisition cases (for instance, the obligation for the competition authority to ask the advice of the media authority);

- The possibility to overrule the approval of a concentration by the communication authority for reasons of media pluralism (or public interest in general)); -that - even though they do not contain media-specific provisions - do not exclude the media sector from their scope of application.

0.5
4.18Is there an administrative authority or judicial body actively monitoring compliance with rules on mergers and/or hearing complaints? (e.g. media and/or competition authority)?This variable aims to assess if the law/regulation provides a due monitoring and sanctioning system.0.5
4.19Does the law grant this body sanctioning/enforcement powers in order to impose proportionate remedies (behavioral and/or structural) in case of non-respect of the thresholds?

The variable aims at assessing if the law is providing a due system of sanctions to sector-specific regulation, such as: 

  • Blocking of a merger or acquisition; 
  • Obligation to allocate windows for third party programming; 
  • Obligation to give up licences/activities in other media sectors;
  • Divestiture.
0.5
4.20Are these sanctioning/enforcement powers effectively used?This indicator aims to assess the effective implementation of sector-specific remedies against a high horizontal concentration of ownership and/or control in the television media.0
Total           1.5 out of 4

 

 

Dorian Matlija (2023) Legal Assessement, Media Ownership Monitor Albania

Cross-media Ownership Concentration

Result: High Risk

This indicator aims to assess the concentration of ownership across the different sectors – TV, print, audio, and any other relevant media – of the media industry. Cross-media concentration is measured by adding up the market shares of the Top 8 media companies. The results are not an indicator for economic strength in different media sectors but rather for the potential influence on public opinion when considering all media types.

Why?

With the data collected from financial statements downloaded from the National Business Center, the Top 8 firms with the highest revenue across all media sectors (AV, Radio, Newspapers and internet content providers) and the ratio between the TOP8 revenues and the whole revenue market across media sectors were calculated.

Top 8 media with highest revenues
Public Broadcaster, RTSH has 25.21% of the market. (RTSH 1, RTSH 2, RTSH 3, TV Kukesi,TV Korca, TV Shkodra, TV Gjirokastra, Radio Tirana 1, Radio Tirana 2, Radio Tirana 3, Radio Tirana Klasik, Radio Tirana Jazz, Radio Tirana Femije, Radio Tirana Internacional, Radio Korca, Radio Kukesi, Radio Shkodra, Radio Gjirokastra, Rtsh.al)
Frangaj Family has 23.82% of the market. (Klan TV, Klan Plus HD, Klan Radio, Tvklan.al)
Hoxha Family  has 17.05% of the market. (Top Channel, Top News, Top Albania Radio, Top Gold Radio, Top-Chanel.tv)
Dulaku Family have 4.93% of the market. (Vizion Plus, VizionPlus.tv)
Ulaj Brothers have 4.64% of the market. (A2 CNN, A2news.com)
Hysenbelliu Family has 3.92% of the market. (News 24 TV, News24 Radio, Balkanweb.com, Panorama newspaper, Gazeta Shqiptare, Panorama TV, Panorama.com.al, Gsh.al, news24.al)
Esat Bojku has 3.92% of the market. (Abcnews TV, AbcNews.al, Abc News Radio)
Carlo Bollino and Alba Malltezi have 3.63% of the market. (Report TV, Shqiptarja.com)

The top eight firms/media owners have a cross-media concentration of 87.13% of the market.

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
3Percentage:
If within one country the major 8 owners (Top8) have a market share below 50% across the different media sectors.  If within one country the major 8 owners (Top8) have an audience share between 50% and 69% across the different media sectors. If within one country the major 8 owners (Top8) have a market share above 70% across the different media sectors.

SOURCES:

National Business Register

Regulatory Safeguards: Cross-media Ownership Concentration

Result: High Risk

This indicator aims to assess the existence and effective implementation of regulatory safeguards (sector-specific and/or competition law) against a high degree of cross-ownership between media types (press, TV, radio, internet). Given the diversity of thresholds or limits that exist among different countries with regard to ownership and/or control, 'high' should be assessed according to the standards of your country and in the light of the thresholds or limits imposed by domestic laws.

Why?

  • There are no provisions in the Albanian laws to prevent high degree of cross-ownership between the different media. The audio-visual media law does not contain definitions for the terms of media monopolization and concentration. The only concepts that the law introduces are those of the limitation of the owner’s shares / voting rights in respect of a second media company. Regarding audio-visual media, restrictions are imposed on the percentage of the total capital (20%) in a second company holding a national license, while for analogue audio broadcasting media, the maximum amount of participation in a third media with a national license is limited to 10% of that media company’s capital. The audio-visual media law also regulates situations of conflict of interests arising in cases where two or more shareholders of a media company are family members up to the second degree. In such cases, the law will allow only one of the shareholders to hold shares in that company.

  • Albanian legislation does not contain any specific thresholds based on objective criteria, such a number of licenses, audience share, circulation, overall revenue from sources other than advertising such as sponsorships, projects, grants, etc., to prevent cross-media ownership concentration.

  • In the area of audio-visual broadcasting, the competent monitoring body is the Audio-visual Media Authority (AMA) whose role is to oversee the implementation of provisions aimed at preventing media ownership concentration. However, the law does not provide for mechanisms aimed at preventing situations that endanger media pluralism or concentration of ownership at unacceptable levels.

    Regulatory Safeguard Score: 0 out of 8 – High Risk (Regulation: 0%)

CROSS-MEDIA OWNERSHIPDescriptionYesNoNAMD
5.1Does the media legislation contain specific thresholds, based on objective criteria, such as number of licences, audience share, circulation, distribution of share capital or voting rights, turnover/revenue, to prevent a high degree of cross-ownership between the different media?This indicator aims to assess the existence of regulatory safeguards (sector-specific and/or competition law) against a high degree of cross-ownership in different media sectors.  X
5.2Is there an administrative authority or judicial body actively monitoring compliance with these thresholds and/or hearing complaints? (e.g. media authority)This variable aims to assess if the law/regulation provides a due monitoring and sanctioning system for the regulation on audiovisual media concentration.  X
5.3Does the law grant body sanctioning/enforcement powers in order to impose proportionate remedies (behavioural and/or structural) in case of non-respect of the thresholds?

The variable aims at assessing if the law is providing a due system of sanctions to sector-specific regulation, such as: 

  • Refusal of additional licences; Blocking of a merger or acquisition;
  • Obligation to allocate windows for third party programming;
  • Obligation to give up licences/activities in other media sectors;
  • Divestiture.
  X
5.4Are these sanctioning/enforcement powers effectively used?

The relevant authority never uses its sanctioning powers.

The question aims at assessing the effectiveness of the remedies provided by the regulation.

  X
5.5Can a high degree of cross-ownership between different media be prevented via merger control/competition rules that take into account the specificities of the media sector?

For instance, cross-ownership can be prevented by comptetion law: 

- by the mandatory intervention of a media authority in M&A cases (for instance, the obligation for the competition authority to ask the advice of the media authority); 

- by the possibility to overrule the approval of a concentration by the competition authority for reasons of media pluralism (or Public interest in general);

  X
5.6Is there an administrative authority or judicial body actively monitoring compliance with these rules and/or hearing complaints? (e.g. media and/or competition authority)This variable aims to assess if the law/regulation provides a due monitoring and sanctioning system for the regulation against a high degree of cross-ownership in different media sectors via merger control/competition rules.  X
5.7Does the law grant body sanctioning/enforcement powers in order to impose proportionate remedies (behavioural and/or structural) in case of non-respect of the thresholds?

Examples sanctioning/enforcement powers and remedies: 

- blocking of a merger or acquisition;

- obligation to allocate windows for third party programming;

- must carryobligation to give up licences/activities in other media sectors ;

- divestiture.

  X
5.8Are these sanctioning/enforcement powers effectively used?The question aims at assessing the effectiveness of the remedies of the regulation.  X
Total                0 out of 8

Dorian Matlija (2023) Media Ownership Monitor Albania

Ownership Transparency

Result: Medium Risk

This indicator assesses the transparency of data about the political affiliations of media owners as ownership transparency is a crucial precondition to enforce media pluralism.  

Why?

Ownership structures and financial reports of all registered businesses are available at The Albanian National Business Registry, or 'Qendra Kombetare e Biznesit'. The online register is accessible to the public and allows searches by company, owner or beneficial owner. In cases when the ownership structure was available in the public register we have coded the company’s transparency rank as Data Publicly available. There is no media specific database in Albania, a list of audiovisual media can be found on the website of the regulator, AMA. The list provides ownership data but does not provide financial data. There is no register for print or online media. Most of the media are registered as businesses, therefore the data related to their founding, shareholders, board members were available in The Albanian National Business Register. In addition, MOM invited media owners to exercise transparency by responding to Information requests that were sent out in July 2023 to all media companies investigated. 6 out of 24 companies/media groups provided detailed replies to our information requests. 

  • Active Transparency means company/channel informs proactively and comprehensively about its ownership, data is constantly updated and easily verifiable. MOM’s investigated a sample of 40 outlets, 24 companies and 25 individual owners. 10 outlets, 7 companies and 6 owners were ranked as Actively Transparent, i.e. 25.8 % of the entire sample.  

  • Passive Transparency means upon request, ownership data is easily available from the company/channel. 8 outlets, 2 companies and 4 owners were ranked as Passively Transparent, i.e. 15.7 % of the entire sample. Most of these companies, outlets and owners are related to the media that provided detailed replies to MOM information requests. 

  • Data Publicly Available means ownership data is easily available from other sources, e. g. public registries etc. 22 outlets, 15 companies and 15 owners were ranked as Data Publicly Available, i.e. even if the websites didn’t inform them publicly of the owners those could be found in the public records such as the Albanian Business Register, this transparency ranking was used in 58,5% of cases.   

  • MOM Information requests were sent out by registered mail and email on 5-6 July 2023, reminder emails were sent out two weeks later on August 16 2023. 6 companies have provided detailed replies to our requests in written form or by email. These companies are: Top Channel, TV Klan, Focus Media Group, RTSH, Euro Balkans News and Publikime Shqiptare

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
TRANSPARENCY
6.1

How would you assess the transparency and accessibility of data about media ownership?

Active Transparency – 28.8%

Passive Transparency – 15.7%

Data Publicly Available – 58.5%

Data Unavailable – 0%

Active Disguise - 0%

Data on media owners as well as their political affiliations is publicly available and transparent.

(Active Transparency)

Code if that applies to > 75% of the sample

Data of media owners and their political affiliations are disclosed based on investigations of journalists and media activists or upon request.

(Passive Transparency, Publicly Available)

Code if that applies > 50% of the sample. 

Data on political affiliations of media owners are not easily accessible by the public and investigative journalists of activists are not successful in disclosing these data.

(Data Unavailable, Active Disguise)

Code if data is available for < 50% of the sample 

Regulatory Safeguards: Ownership Transparency

Result: Medium Risk

This indicator aims to assess the existence and effective implementation of transparency and disclosure provisions with regard to media ownership and/or control.

Why?

  • The national law does not contain any transparency and disclosure provision obliging media companies to publish their ownership structures on their websites. But indirectly their records/documents are accessible to the public, through the National Business Centre. Since all media companies (just like any other businesses in the country) must be registered with the National Business Centre and specify the names of their shareholders, ownership data is available online for most media outlets, including print media.

  • The only special regulation concerning media transparency is the registration to the effect of publication, of the beneficial owners, as provided by rules set out in the law no. 112/2020 “On registration of beneficial owners, as the law no. 97/2013 “On audiovisual media in the Republic of Albania”, refers to it. The Register of Beneficial Owners is run by National Registration Center. Since all media companies (just like any other business in the country) must be registered with the National Business Center and specify the names of their shareholders, ownership data is available online for most media outlets, including print media. A list of audiovisual media published by the Albanian Media Authority also contains shareholder information.

  • Ownership data for online media is much more difficult to obtain, as such media are not required to register either as a business or as a media outlet. However, most online media outlets that run the activity as a business (selling ads) are already registered in the National Registration Center.

  • Like any other business, all media outlets should submit annual financial reports to the tax authorities; these reports are confidential. In addition, the media companies’ financial statements are also submitted to the National Business Centre, which makes them available on its public database. Online media with audio-visual broadcasting, along with Audio-visual media, are also obliged to submit financial reports to the Regulatory Authority, AMA. The financial statements have to be submitted each year to the tax authorities and the National Business Centre. The Albanian Public Radio Television (the Albanian public broadcaster) is also under an obligation to submit annual financial report to the AMA and the Parliament. Furthermore, the AMA has the authority to inspect the financial reports of the licensed entities; its findings should be made available online. Upon its initiative, AMA might request financial and economic information from audio and audio-visual media companies; exercising this competence falls entirely within its discretion.

  • Information concerning shareholders is easy to understand for the general public, while financial disclosure information is accessible and understandable only to experts.

Regulatory Safeguard Score: 14 out of 20 – Medium Risk (70%)

Transparency ProvisionsDescriptionYes +No -NAMD
7.1Does national (media, company, tax...) law contain transparency and disclosure provisions obliging media companies to publish their ownership structures on their website or in records/documents that are accessible to the public?The aim of the question is to check regulatory safeguard for transparency towards the citizens, the users and the public in general.0
7.2Does national (media, company, tax...) law contain transparency and disclosure provisions obliging media companies to report (changes in) ownership structures to public authorities (such as the media authority)?The aim of the question is to check regulatory safeguard for accountability and transparency towards public authorities.1
7.3Is there an obligation by national law to disclose relevant information after every change in ownership structure?This question aims at assessing if the law provides rules on the public availability of accurate and up-to-date data on media ownership. This is a condition for an effective transparency.1
7.4Are there any sanctions in case of non-respect of disclosure obligations?This question aims at assessing if the law on media ownership transparency can be enforced through the application of sanctions.1
7.5Do the obligations ensure that the public knows which legal or natural person effectively owns or controls the media company?This question aim at assessing the effectiveness of the laws that deal with media ownership transparency and if they succeed in disclosing the real owners of the media outlets.0.5
Total (Mean of L-e und L-I sub-indicators)           3.5 out of 5

Dorian Matlija (2023). Media Ownership Monitor Albania - Legal Assesment

Political Control Over Media Outlets

Result: High Risk

This indicator assesses the risk of political affiliations and control over editorial independence of newsrooms. It also assesses the level of interference by politically affiliated actors in the work of news media.

Why?

8.1 The Albanian media market is small and conflicts due to owners' political and economic interests are commonplace and often documented in the reports of media rights organizations. Most owners of media companies in Albania, also have other businesses in heavily regulated markets, including construction and real estate development, gambling, banking, for-profit higher education. public private partnerships, which for the media might mean compromising on unbiased coverage of socio-economic and political affairs. The only media regulator, AMA, which regulates the audio-visual market, is largely seen as politicized and reluctant to perform its duties. The process of selecting the AMA board is bipartisan and politicized. The current chairwoman of AMA, Armela Krasniqi is a former spokesperson for the ruling Socialist Party. While the deputy chairwoman, Desada Metaj a former advisor to the opposition Democratic Party. 

Political affiliations of broadcast media owners: 

Hoxha Family owns the biggest media house in the country. Top Media Group and the digital broadcasting platform DigitAlb are the biggest players in the media market (36.89% market share). The company rented publicly owned office space in the International Center for Culture (known as the Tirana Pyramid) at a subsidized price from 2001 to 2015. In 2008, Top Channel signed a new lease to rent the former Albafilm laboratory at Kinostudio, the communist era film studios in Tirana, which were occupied by the Marubi Film School. Following student protests the former government of Prime Minister, Sali Berisha suspended the application of the contract. In 2016, the new government of Prime Minister Edi Rama, decided to annul the contract and compensate Top Channel 38 million lek (369,000 euros). The Foundation Dritan Hoxha - named after Top Media’s late founder, which according to data of beneficial owners in the National Business Center, is controlled by his widow and Top Media CEO, Vjollca Hoxha, received 61 million lek (588,000 euros) in government contracts for projects and TV programs aired on Top Channel TV from various government/local government institutions controlled by the ruling Socialist Party, including the Tirana Municipality, the Ministry of Tourism and Environment, Ministry of Culture and Sports and Youth, the Albanian Investment Development Agency. In November 2022, Prime Minister Edi Rama accused Top Channel of running negative coverage of the agriculture sector, while seeking ad money from the government as a form of blackmail for positive coverage. The television station refuted the allegations calling them an attack on media freedom. 

Frangaj Family – Aleksander Frangaj and his wife Alba Gina own TV Klan, another significant media player in the country. The owner is perceived as pro-governmental – no matter who holds the reign of power. In 1996, he ran for office for the Alliance Democratic Party, PAD, but was not elected. He has often been accused of being the main beneficiary of government advertising campaigns during 2008-2010, when the country was governed by Prime Minister Sali Berisha. In 2019, Frangaj co- founded AS Construction together with Balfin LLC owned by the businessman Samir Mane. By March 2020, Frangaj controlled 100% of the company. In June 2020, Frangaj became a developer in Mane's Green Coast resort in south Albania through a permit from the National Territorial Council headed by Prime Minister Edi Rama. The Albanian government has granted Green Coast the status of “strategic investor”, benefiting from government subsidies, including the construction of a helipad for the benefit of the resort. His brother, Eduard Frangaj, who is the director of the News Department in TV Klan, previously worked as an adviser for the former Environment Minister, Fatmir Mediu (2012), and Media Assistant for the late President of Albania, Bujar Nishani (2016).

Dulaku Family - The Dulaku Brothers are the owners of Media Vizion, which together with Top Channel and TV Klan are the three national commercial broadcasters in Albania and Tring TV, the second largest pay per view broadcaster after Digitalb. The Dulaku family has been involved in the construction business since the early 90s. Through the company Edil Al IT, which served as the flagship company of the group for over two decades, they expanded their activities into the fields of telecommunications, media, sales, and most recently into port infrastructure, hospitality and tourism. The companies owned by the brothers recently won the concession rights of the Port of Limion - a former navy base, in Saranda in July 2020, in partnership with Kastrati Group. They leased public properties on the coast and were granted the status of a strategic investor.

Hysenbelliu Family - The CEO of Focus Media News, Ardit Cela is a former member of LSI (the Socialist Movement for Integration now rebranded as the Freedom Party), the social-democratic party of Albania, founded by former Prime Minister and President, Ilir Meta. In two decades as a media publisher, Irfan Hysenbelliu managed to maintain close relations with both government and opposition politicians. But the situation changed in September 2022, when a governmental agency seized a hotel owned by Hysenbelliu, claiming it had been built illegally. In December 2022, the hotel was demolished by the authorities in a spectacular way without waiting for the court's decision. Hysenbelliu accused Prime Minister Edi Rama of orchestrating the attack and claimed that this was a revenge for the editorial line of News 24 and the newspaper "Panorama". Rama denied the accusations and insisted that the issue was only related to law enforcement.

Ulaj Brothers -  Gener 2, the flagship company of the Unlaj family, benefited from government concessions granted first by the former Prime Minister, Sali Berisha and later from the actual PM Edi Rama. A 2009 concession to build a hydropower plant in Valbona National Park was followed by a series of protests and a court case. In 2014, Gener 2 obtained a construction permit from the Municipality of Tirana to build a complex of five towers near the Artificial Lake of Tirana, but the project was blocked by the central government. Gener 2 won the case in court and continued the construction. In July 2018, the Gener 2 was announced as the winner of a concession for the construction of Thumane-Kashar road with an investment valued at 225 million euros, but the negotiations were annulled after a scandal broke in December 2018. A phantom company named DH Albania, which was suspected to be related to Ulaj's Gener 2, won two tenders worth 30 million euros using forged documents. An investigation launched by the Tirana Prosecutor's Office was closed without consequences. The concession remained suspended until September 2021, when the Administrative Court ruled in favor of Gener 2. The project was subsequently approved by the Council of Ministers. In September 2023, former deputy Prime Minister, politician and former chairman of the party "Bindja Demokratike", Astrit Patozi was appointed CEO of A2 television.

Carlo Bollino – calls himself a friend of Edi Rama, a stance that he claims is not reflected in the reporting of his media outlets. An Italian journalist with Albanian citizenship, Bollino is former correspondent for the Italian news agency ‘Ansa’, as well as the director and administrator of the newspaper "Gazeta Shqiptare," which began publication in Tirana in 1993, and later of the News 24 television stations. In the 1990s, Bollino and the media under his direction faced attacks from the then-President Sali Berisha due to critical articles against the ruling power at the time. The tense relationship with Berisha continued even after his return to power as Prime Minister from 2005 to 2013, or as the leader of the opposition after 2013. After the protest with four victims on January 21, 2011, Bollino's spouse, Alba Malltezi, accused Berisha of being behind the operation of selling the News 24 television by Edisud S.p.a to take control of it. Meanwhile, Berisha and his supporters have accused Bollino of "blind support" for Rama's government and benefiting from public assets. Bollino is the creator and curator of two Bunk'Art projects that aim to depict Albania's communist past. The projects were realized in 2014 and 2016. In 2018, Bollino, through MTSC, founded the technology company C-7 - Integrated Communication Systems.

In 2019, the MTSC company, similar to other media companies in the country earlier, has taken on lease for a symbolic amount of 1 Euro from the "Rama" government for an area of 4894 square meters in Tirana, for the construction of the television building. The new television building was inaugurated in December 2022.

Besnik and Alban Dabulla – are children of Arta Dade, former member of the Parliament, former Foreign Minister and former Minister of Culture. 

Çlirim Peka - is recognized as the founder and director of Syri Tv and the online website syri.net. Peka, who previously led UTV television, owned by former PD deputy Astrit Veliaj, is known for his support for former Prime Minister Sali Berisha and former President Ilir Meta. No other businesses or companies are registered under Çlirim Peka's name. Both the television and Peka have been accused by media from the other side as being secretly financed and owned by Shkëlzen Berisha, the son of former Prime Minister Sali Berisha. There have also been reports in the media about Peka's close relations with former President Ilir Meta. Peka has denied the accusations of hidden ownership and financing. Apart from the editorial stance of Syri Tv, the company that owns it and the Center for Open Information as the owner of the company, have individuals in their leadership closely linked to the Democratic Party led by former Prime Minister Sali Berisha. The company's administrator and one of the members of the NGO's board have been chosen as members of the National Council of the Democratic Party led by Berisha.

Astrit Sejdini - is the current owner of Ora News TV and the website Oranews.tv, which is controlled 30% from the state that confiscated the shares from the founder of the media group, Ylli Ndroqi, due to his criminal background in narcotics trafficking. The confiscation was made possible through Albania’s anti-mafia law. Sejdini is the husband of the sister of Ndroqi’s wife. 

RTSH, The Albanian Radio Television – the public broadcaster’s supervisory Council is elected by the parliament and represents a compromised body of individuals close to both political parties. In addition, Alfred Peza, the General Director of the Albanian Radio Television (RTSH) on June 13th, is a former Member of Parliament and former Secretary of Media Relations for the ruling Socialist Party. Peza also has a long career as a journalist and media executive.

The audience share in the free to air market of politically affiliated/partisan owners is 98.39% of the free to air TV market, based on data provided by Idra Media. Idra Media data are confidential and cannot be published for specific outlets from the MOM Albania Team. However, the agency does allow that the data be used and presented cumulatively as part of market concentration research. 

Political affiliated media groupsAudience share of free to air TV
Frangaj FamilyXXX%
Hoxha  FamilyXXX%
Hysenbelliu FamilyXXX%
Carlo Bollino and Alba MalltezXXX%
Dulaku FamilyXXX%
RTSHXXX%
Clirim PekaXXX%
Astrit SejdiniXXX%
Total98.39%

8.2. There is a lack of data on the audience share of radio outlets in Albania. However, 6 out of 9 radio stations in the sample have politically affiliated owners, including two out three national radio stations. The list of owners of radio stations with political affiliation is provided below. 

Hoxha Family - owners of Top Albania Radio receive government subsidies for TV  programming. These subsidies are not distributed to market players in a transparent manner. 

Frangaj Family - owners of Klan Radio. Aleksander Frangaj has benefitted subsidies in real estate development through its strategic investor status.  

Radio Tirana 1 and Radio Ora News are 100% owned by the Albanian state. 

The CEOs of Focus Group and Center for Open Information who own Radio News 24 and Syri FM have political affiliations. 

8.3. There is a lack of readership data for the press in Albania. However, 3 owners in the market, which control 4 out of 8 print media outlets, have political affiliations.   

Ardit Cela, CEO of Focus Media Group and Focus Press, owned by the Hysenbelliu Family, which own the dailies Panorama and Gazeta Shqiptare, is former official the Social Movement for Integration, SMI, now rebranded the Freedom Party. 

Agim Ciraku, the founder of the daily Telegraf and father to the current owner, is a former city councilor for the ruling Socialist Party in the port city of Durres.  

The Dabulla Brothers, publishers of the daily newspaper Dita are the sons of former Socialist foreign minister and MP, Arta Dade. 

8.4 There is no data on audience share of online media. However, 7 out of 10 online media outlets, which were chosen for the sample based on highest engagement with readers on Facebook, by far the largest social media channel in Albania, have partisan/political affiliated owners. These include outlets owned by the Hoxha Family, the Frangaj Family, Hysenbelliu family, Alba Malltezi, Clirim Peka.  

8.5 Albanian media profess at being independent from political influence, however they randomly espouse political bias due the economic and political interests of media owners. From the 25 individual owners identified in the media sample, 10 owners were identified with political affiliations. The owners with political affiliations represent some of the biggest media groups in the county, controlling the lion share of audience and readership - online and offline. According to the Freedom of the Press Index for 2023, where Albania ranks 96 out of 180 countries, published by Reporters Without Borders, the most influential Albanian private-sector media are owned by a handful of companies that “have links to the political world, while operating in highly regulated sectors such as construction.” Freedom House notes in its Freedom in the World report that while the Albanian constitution guarantees freedom of expression, the “intermingling of powerful business, political, and media interests inhibits the development of independent news outlets; most are seen as biased toward either the PS or the PD.”

8.6 The law No.9376 “On conflict of interest’ in the Republic of Albania’ restricts ‘active’ ownership of shares in companies for MPs, ministers and deputy ministers and mayors for companies operating within their municipalities. However, the law does not regulate ownership by proxy. The law on Audiovisual Media, does not restrict or regulate conflicts of interests between media ownership and political parties, partisan groups, party members, office holders and relatives. The only restrictions/regulations are in the electoral code and regulate coverage of political parties during elections campaigns. 

8.7. According to the European Commission country report on Albania for 2023, the intersection of business and political interests and lack of transparency of financing sources continue to hamper media independence, pluralism and the quality of journalism in Albania. Following a two-day fact-finding mission in November 2022, the partners of the Council of Europe’s Platform on Safety of Journalists noted that business interests pose a risk to a healthy media environment in Albania. In a statement following the mission the media rights watchdogs noted that the root cause of many of the threats to independent journalism in Albania continues to be the capture of significant parts of the media environment by vested business interests. “These media owners, many of whom have cross ownership in key state-regulated industries reliant on public tenders, systematically use their media assets to serve their own private or political agendas rather than the public interest,” the statement read, which adding that “concentration of media under the control of such business groups has intensified in recent years.”

8.8. The majority of politically influenced media in Albania proclaim themselves as independent, despite the partisanship and bias they espouse in their coverage. The Albanian Journalists Ethics Code notes on article 5 that: “The media must avoid unacceptable conflicts of interest and must not allow any influence stemming from personal beliefs, political or financial incentives to influence the accurate and impartial reporting of journalists and the work of editorial offices.” Although 32 media have joined the Alliance for Media Ethics, a self-regulatory group, subscribing to the code of ethics, violations remain widespread in practice. No media company in Albania is transparent about its political affiliation or for any ideological leanings, like conservative, liberal or progressive. 

Score: 23 out of 24 = 96 % High Risk

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
POLITICISATION OF MEDIA OUTLETS
8.1

What is the share of TV media owned by politically affiliated entities?

98.39% of the audience in the TV media is controlled by an owner with specific political affiliation

The media having <30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.The media having <50% >30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation. The media having >50% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.
8.2

What is the share of Radio stations owned by politically affiliated entities?

Cannot be calculated due to lack of data on radio audience share.

The media having <30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.The media having <50%>30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation. The media having >50% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.
8.3What is the share of Newspapers owned by politically affiliated entities? MD
The media having <30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.The media having <50%>30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation. The media having >50% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.
8.4What is the share of Online News Media owned by politically affiliated entities? MD
The media having <30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation.The media having <50%>30% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation. The media having >50% audience share is owned (controlled) by a specific political party, politician, or political grouping, or by an owner with specific political affiliation. 
8.5To what degree is politically affiliated ownership transparent? The majority of politically controlled media are secretive about their related financial interests. 
There is only limited politically affiliated ownership in the country and in all cases, the owners and their interests are disclosed to the public.The majority of politically controlled news media are transparent about their ownership and interests.The majority of politically controlled media are secretive about their ownership and interests.
8.6Are there laws that regulate conflicts of interests between media ownership and political parties, partisan groups, party members, office holders and relatives?
There is clear and effective regulation that highlights the incompatibility of political office (on the local, regional, national level) with media ownership and requires transparency in the case of other political offices.There is regulation, but only covers some politically affiliated groups (effectively).There is no regulation, or regulation is ineffective.
8.7Do politically partisan owners or other political interest systematically interfere with the editorial autonomy of newsrooms?
The available evidence suggests very few or no attempts at interfering with editorial autonomy.The available evidence suggests occasional interferences and/or some degree of self-censorship in newsrooms. The available evidence suggests systemic interference with editorial autonomy, which may or may not be accompanied by self-censorship in newsrooms. 
8.8To what extent is editorial independence guaranteed in editorial statutes or in self-regulatory mechanisms?
Most news media in the country guarantee editorial independence in their statutes, or they subscribe to self-regulatory codes that do so.The most prestigious news media in the country guarantee editorial independence in their statutes, or they subscribe to self-regulatory codes that do so.Neither editorial statutes, nor self-regulation mentions editorial independence, or the guidelines are not respected by newsrooms.

 

 

Antarët e AMA-s (AMA's Board Members), 2023. Accessed on 28.11.2023
Balkaninsight.com, EU Warns Albania Against Electing ‘Partisan’ Media Authority Chief, (2021) Accessed on 28.11.2023
Balkaninsight.com, Albania PM Accuses Media of ‘Blackmail’ With Negative Coverage, (2023). Accessed on 28.11.2023

Political Control Over Infrastructure

Result: Medium Risk

This indicator assesses the political control over important infrastructural layers in the distribution, as well as in the value and supply chains of media content. It also assesses the level of discrimination in favour of politically affiliated media distribution networks. Infrastructural elements are in most cases privately owned and access is provided to news publishers for a fee.

Why?

9.1 Print Distribution Networks – There is no major distribution network in print. Print media are partly distributed through the Albanian post office which is a public institution and is considered rather affordable. Yet print media have very low subscriptions rates, 300 clients nationally. There are no major chains of kiosks, most of the individual vendors being focused in the capital, Tirana. In Albania this is not a leading infrastructure element, nevertheless, it is rated as low risk.   

9.2 Radio Distribution Networks – Licenses are allocated by AMA, the Audio-visual Media Authority. Since radio is not a major source of information and is rather a platform for music and entertaining talk-shows there is no political control/interference observed in license distribution, hence the risk is assessed as low.

9.3 Television Distribution Networks – currently 4 operators provide digital platforms/hosting – DigitAlb (3 frequencies: incl. 1 from ADTN and 1 from Top Channel), RTSH (2 frequencies), Tring (1 frequency), Klan TV (1 frequency). The market is concentrated, DigitAlb has 3 frequencies – more hosting space than all other operators in the market. There have been complaints from local broadcasters that hosting fees are high. AMA distributed frequencies in 2017 and was seen as non-independent and influenced by corporate and political interests. Digitalisation process was largely seen as not a fair process and resulted in high concentration.

RTSH - the public broadcaster is owned by the state. The general director of RTSH is a former MP and communication director for the ruling Socialist Party.

The Hoxha Family - owners of DigitAlb and ADTN have received public subsidies for TV programing and contracts for subsidized rent by the government for their flagship media asset Top Channel TV.  

The Frangaj Family - owner of Klan and shareholder in DigitAlb has benefited from the status of strategic investor in at least on real estate development.

The Dulaku Family - owners of Tring TV has benefited from government subsidies for real estate development deals. 

Cable networks – the market is primarily small businesses – unstable market, no major network providers; There are about 100 companies licensed by AMA, some of these cable networks retransmit the Tring package. Tring controls 25% of the pay-per-view market. Therefore, no clear political control can be observed in the cable distribution networks.

In 2018 MOM Albania the risks in the television distribution network were assessed as high due to unfair distribution of numeric transmission frequencies which resulted in a high market concentration and was due to Regulatory body not being impartial. In 2023 the assessment is medium risk because there is no evidence of repeated discriminatory actions from the television distribution networks. 

9.4 According to Albania’s Postal and Telecommunication authority 75% of the internet distribution market is controlled by 8 companies. From these operators, only Abissnet’s owner Koco Kokedhima (4%) is politically affiliated with the small “Zgjidhja” Party. Therefore the assessment is low risk.

Albtelecom sh.a (26%);  Vodafone sh.a (21%);  ASC (6%);  Digicom (5%);  Abissnet (4%);  Nisatel dhe ATU me nga (3%);  Safecomm (7%); other operators (OA) about 25% of revenue in the market. 

9.5 The advertising market in Albania is fractured, with most agencies serving a handful of big corporate advertisers. There are no indications that major commercial advertising agencies discriminate against independent media, therefore the assessment is low risk.   

9.6. There is only one audience agency in the market, Idra Media, which provides ratings for television audiences. Its findings are contested by the main TV outlets in the country. All five media groups who responded to MOM Albania’s request for transparency said they did not have access to reliable audience data or did not share audience data. The agency is currently in legal dispute with Top Media, which does not want its ratings published or circulated to advertisers. The assessment is high risk.

Score: 9 out of 18 = 50 % Medium Risk

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
POLITICISATION OF INFRASTRUCTURE
9.1How would you assess the conduct of the leading distribution networks for print media?
Leading distribution networks are not politically affiliated or do not take discriminatory actions.At least one of the leading distribution networks is politically affiliated or takes occasional discriminatory actions.All of the leading distribution networks are politically affiliated and has a record of repeated discriminatory actions.
9.2How would you assess the conduct of the leading radio distribution networks? NA
Leading distribution networks are not politically affiliated or do not take discriminatory actions.At least one of the leading distribution networks is politically affiliated or takes occasional discriminatory actions.All of the leading distribution networks are politically affiliated and has a record of repeated discriminatory actions.
9.3How would you assess the conduct of the leading television distribution networks? 
Leading distribution networks are not politically affiliated or do not take discriminatory actions.At least one of the leading distribution networks is politically affiliated or takes occasional discriminatory actions. All of the leading distribution networks are politically affiliated and has a record of repeated discriminatory actions. 
9.4How would you assess the conduct of the leading internet distribution networks?
Leading distribution networks are not politically affiliated or do not take discriminatory actions.At least one of the leading distribution networks is politically affiliated or takes occasional discriminatory actions.All of the leading distribution networks are politically affiliated and has a record of repeated discriminatory actions.
9.5How would you assess the conduct of the leading service providers in the advertising market?
There is no indication that major commercial advertising agencies / sales houses would discriminate against independent media.At least one of the leading commercial advertising agencies / sales houses discriminates against independent media due to political affiliations (despite having a significant audience share).Independent news media don’t have access to commercial advertising agencies / sales houses discriminating against independent media due to political affiliations (despite having a significant audience share).
9.6How would you assess the conduct of the leading audience measurement services?
Audience measurement services are in practice available to all relevant market players and comply with industry standards; transparency, non-discrimination, proportionality, objectivity and inclusiveness of the methodology and the service is guaranteed.At least one of the leading audience measurement services raises concerns related to transparency, non-discrimination, proportionality, objectivity, and/or inclusiveness. All of the leading audience measurement services raise concerns related to transparency, non-discrimination, proportionality, objectivity, and/or inclusiveness.

State Control Over Media Resources

Result: Medium Risk

This indicator assesses the influence of the state on the functioning of the media market, through control over public funds and resources, with an emphasis on the risk of discrimination in the distribution of state support and advertisement. The discrimination can be reflected in favouritism towards political parties or affiliates of political parties in the government, or in penalising the media criticising the government.

Why?

10.1. According to data of the database of treasury payments, government ads were made in 2023 in the vast majority by the Central Electoral Commision, CEC, for a public awareness campaign to mobilize voters. The share of ads distribution is inline with the audience share of the media. The only outlier is Media Vizion, but this due to its  national coverage, receiving ads close to the amount distributed to TV Klan and Top Channel.

 

Nr.TV ChannelShare (%)Ads in lekShare of ads
1Klan TVXXX%10,700,000.0021.93%
2Top ChannelXXX%9,300,000.0019.06%
3News24XXX%6,800,000.0013.93%
4Report TVXXX%6,800,000.0013.93%
5ABC NewsXXX%3,300,000.006.76%
6Vizion PlusXXX%7,400,000.0015.16%
7Klan Plus HDXXX%00.00%
8RTSHXXX%00.00%
9Syri TVXXX%2,200,000.004.51%
10Ora NewsXXX%2,300,000.004.71%
Total 48,800,000.00

10.2 There is no mechanism to guarantee that state advertisements are based on audience share. The state advertising procurement rules are rather simplistic and leave plenty of room for abuse, especially since the procedure allow for  advertising contracts to be awarded to advertising agencies, which can then outsource the contract without being obliged to respect any specific criteria. There is no body mandated with monitoring this process. Another problem regarding advertisements is that they are often commissioned in the context of various projects implemented by central or local government authorities that are not subject to any procurement rules

10.3 in 2023 the value of budgetary payments for state advertising was 516,000 USD for the media sample. Although this figure does not account for money spent from state companies on advertising, it accounts for 0.82% of the revenues of the free to air TV market, which come from advertising. 

10.4. The volume of state advertising in radio in 2023 was 800,000 lek (8606 USD) or 0.28% of the total revenues of the radio market. 

10.5 State advertising spending in print for 2023 was 4.6 million lek (49,488 USD) or 1.4% of the total market share, based on 2022 financial statements. 

10.6 Most of the online media in the sample report their revenue together with legacy TV or print media.

10.7 In Albania there are no predetermined state subsidies for news producers. (Not Applicable) 

10.8 State subsidies to media companies are prescribed through the article 53 of the law on VAT of the Republic of Albania (92/2014) and provide VAT exemption for furnishing of services of newspapers, magazines and books; and VAT exemption for supplying of advertising for print and electronic media; i.e. all media are exempt of value added tax which in Albania is 20%;. The Hoxha Family, owners of Top Media, have received indirect subsidies for TV programing from the government through the Dritan Hoxha Media Foundation. 

10.9 The content of the Albania Telegraphic News Agency is not used by the media in Albania due to its lack of critical coverage and overall protocol news. In September 2021, the government created the Media and Information Agency, which creates pre-packaged media materials, for media and social media. These propaganda video materials and texts are aired and republished as news by pro-government media.     

10.10 According to financial statements the PSM is the media with the highest revenues in Albania, however its share of audience does not equal its funding. However, the management has often complained to parliament that it needs more money for investment and modernization. However, there is no independent assessment whether the problem lies with the funding or the management of the PSM. In 2021, its former director general, Thoma Gellci, was arrested and later convicted for abuse of office. 

10.11  There has been occasional political interference in the appointment and dismissal of managers at PSM and the director general. The current director is a former MP and communication director of the ruling party. 

Score:15/7=2.14 Medium Risk

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
10.1Is state advertising distributed to media proportionately to their audience share? 
State advertising is distributed to the media relatively proportionately to the audience shares of media.State advertising is distributed disproportionately (in terms of audience share) to the media. State advertising is distributed exclusively to few media outlets, which do not cover all major media outlets in the country.
10.2How would you assess the rules of distribution of state advertising?
State advertising is distributed to media outlets based on fair and transparent rules.State advertising is distributed to media outlets based on a set of rules but it is unclear whether they are fair and transparent.There are no rules regarding distribution of state advertising to media outlets or these are not transparent and/or fair.
IMPORTANCE OF STATE ADVERTISING
10.3

What is the share of state advertising as part of the overall Television advertising market?

VALUE:0.82

Share of state advertising is <5% of the overall marketShare of state advertising is 5%-10% of the overall marketShare of state advertising is > 10% of the overall market
10.4

What is the share of state advertising as part of the overall Radio advertising market?

VALUE:0.28

Share of state advertising is <5% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is 5%-10% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is > 10% of the overall market.
10.5

What is the share of state advertising as part of the overall Newspaper advertising market?

VALUE: 1.4%

Share of state advertising is <5% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is 5%-10% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is > 10% of the overall market.
10.6

What is the share of state advertising as part of the overall Online news media advertising market (without amounts spent on news intermediaries)?

VALUE:N/A

Share of state advertising is <5% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is 5%-10% of the overall market.Share of state advertising is > 10% of the overall market.
10.7Is direct financial support distributed fairly, transparently and based on clear rules? N/A
There are clear rules on the allocation of direct state subsidies and, in practice, subsidies are transparently and fairly allocated (criteria may not only be based on market share, but also public interest content, underserved communities, the need for innovation, etc.)The rules on the allocation of direct state subsidies are either not clear or the process of allocation lacks sufficient transparency or shows signs of political bias.There are no rules on the allocation of direct state subsidies and/or the allocation of subsidies is opaque and/or clearly discriminatory.
10.8Is indirect financial support distributed fairly, transparently and based on clear rules?
There are clear rules on the allocation of indirect state subsidies and, in practice, access to indirect subsidies is transparent and fair.The rules on the allocation of indirect state subsidies are either not clear or the process of allocation lacks sufficient transparency or shows signs of political bias.There are no rules on the allocation of indirect state subsidies and/or the allocation of indirect subsidies is opaque and/or clearly discriminatory.
10.9Do all media outlets have access to the state-financed news agency, and do they receive quality content relevant for their news production?
There is a state-financed news agency in the country that is accessible to all news media under the same (and fair) conditions, providing objective, well-sourced information.There are some concerns related to access to the state financed news agency or possible bias in the content provided.Access to the state-owned news agency causes unnecessary burden for some news media and/or its content is biased.
10.10Do you consider the financing of the PSM independent and adequate?
The financing of the PSM is adequate, without distorting competition with private media; and the process includes sufficient guarantees against political dependencies (e.g. through licence fees)?The financing of the PSM is insufficient or could distort competition with private media; and the funding process may enable political dependencies?The financing is insufficient to a degree that quality journalism is not or hardly possible and/or the funding process is clearly under political control.
10.11How do you assess the independence of the appointment and dismissal process of the PSM management?
There are clear rules on the appointment and dismissal of the PSM management, independence from political actors is guaranteed; and in practice appointments and dismissal decisions are made based on professional considerations.Appointment and dismissal rules of PSM management may allow for some political influence and/or the practice of appointments and dismissals shows signs of bias.Rules on appointment and dismissal of PSM management clearly enable political influence and/or appointments and/or dismissals are clearly politically motivated.

 

 

Idra Media TV Audience Data (2023).

Regulatory Safeguards: Net Neutrality

Risk: High Risk

Network neutrality is the principle that all data on networks should be treated equally by not discriminating or charging differently in terms of users, content, sites or applications. Protecting net neutrality is essential to safeguarding media diversity because it guarantees equal ability to access and disseminate information, opinions, perspectives, etc. online, which is essential to media diversity. This indicator aims to capture the landscape of legal regulation of net neutrality as well as the specific regulatory mechanisms that address net neutrality.

Why?

  • Net neutrality is foreseen by law no. 9918, dated 19.05.2008 "On electronic and postal communications in the Republic of Albania". According to this law, "The purpose of this law is to, through the principle of technological neutrality, promote competition and efficient infrastructure in electronic communications and guarantee appropriate and suitable services in the territory of the Republic of Albania". The same principle is laid out in the law no. 97/2013 “On audiovisual media in the Republic of Albania”. 

  • The law only mentions the principle as that of “technological neutrality” or “technological impartiality”. The description is laconic and there is no further development of the concept, except for some provisions that have to do with the fees as close as possible to the cost and the equality of fees, concepts related to the adoption of net neutrality principle.There is currently no legislative initiative pending or under consideration for introducing further regulation on net neutrality.

  • According to Article 6 of Law no. 9918/2008, the Electronic and Postal Communications Authority is the regulatory body in the field of electronic communications and the postal service, which oversees the regulatory framework defined by this law, the postal service law and the development policies defined by the Council of Ministers.

Score: 1 out of 11  = High Risk (9%)

NET NEUTRALITYDescriptionYesNoNAMD
Does national law address net neutrality directly or indirectly?neutrality is regulated by domestic law in any way; it also aims to reflect any agreement between countries, as in the EU and countries that are part of the Council of Europe.0.5
Does national law contain norms that prohibit blocking of websites or content online?This question determines the degree to which a country’s net neutrality norms prevent blocking, one of the key components of a robust net neutrality framework0
Does national law contain norms that prohibit throttling of services or content provided online?This question determines the degree to which a country’s net neutrality norms prevent throttling, one of the key components of a robust net neutrality framework0
Does national law contain norms that prohibit zero-rating and/or paid prioritization?This question determines the degree to which a country’s net neutrality norms prevent zero-rating (of which paid prioritization is a common form), one of the key components of a robust net neutrality framework0
Where net neutrality is protected by law, does the legal framework recognize any exceptions, e.g. for reasonable network management?This question establishes when reasonable limits are placed on net neutrality protections versus other limits that may undermine its effectiveness.0
Norms that prohibit or limit zero-rating are successfully implemented: Paid prioritization does not take place.This question aims to flesh out the extent to which paid prioritization occurs in practice despite its prohibition in law; a number of countries with ostensibly strong zero-rating protections experience this phenomenon. This indicator may shed light on the degree of difference between law and practices on the ground0
Norms that prohibit or limit zero-rating are successfully implemented: No other forms of zero-rating take place.Same as above0
Norms are successfully implemented: Blocking and/or throttling do not take place.This question seeks to determine how the legal framework in place to protect net neutrality operates in practice with respect to blocking and throttling 0.5
Are there regulatory or other entities charged with monitoring and enforcing net neutrality protections?This question highlights whether there are authorities charged with enforcing net neutrality protections 0
Have sanctions been imposed for violations of net neutrality protections where these exist?This question may illustrate the extent to which violations of net neutrality norms are taken seriously as a matter of rule of law and political will0
Are the enforcement mechanisms in place to identify and respond to net neutrality violations viewed as effective?This question shows the extent to which net neutrality norms actually achieve their goals 0
Total (Mean of L-e und L-I sub-indicators)                    1

 

 

Ligji 9918 për Komunikimet Elektronike në Republikën e Shqipërisë i amenduar [The amended Law 9918 on Electronic Communications in the Republic of Albania] Accessed 21.11.2021
Dorian Matlija (2023) Legal Assessement, Media Ownership Monitor Albania

Gender Imbalance in the Media Industry

Result: High Risk

This indicator assesses the representation of women in news media, focusing on relevant newsroom policies and the share of women in management positions.

Why?

12.1  The news in Albania, including the PSM does not have a policy aiming at a balanced representation of women in the newsroom. There is no mechanism to make sure that women in the newsroom do not encounter harassment or discrimination. The PSM does not have any gender equality policy. There is one general provision in its editorial policy against the use of gender based stereotypes, which is quite limited in scope and reads: 'Despite laws and changing in attitudes / behaviors, in some respects women are still discriminated against. It is unacceptable the perception that some activities can only be performed by a specific gender. Since today there are comfortable choices for almost all professions, non-sexist terms should be used.'In the statute of PSM there are no provisions regarding gender equality in decision-making bodies. 

12.2 According to the 2022 Indicators on Media Freedom and Safety of Journalists in Albania, published by the Safe Journalist Network, journalists working in local media, young journalists, and women journalists face more challenges than the rest of the media community.Media monitoring data in the last years have shown that women are less represented in both audiovisual and print media. Data from 2020 show that women are only in 27% of cases the main subjects of a TV show or articles, while the latest data from 2022 show that on the six most prominent prime-time political talk shows on Albanian television, only 15% of the guests were women. 

In terms of content, a BIRN Albania analysis of online articles between January 2020 and April 2022 found 320 concerning cases of sexual abuse in which the victim is identified, the family are identified, the home address is revealed or other personal information is printed. Likewise, an analysis of domestic violence reporting over the same period turned up 142 articles directly or indirectly trying to justify the violence and 364 articles revealing personal data of the victims, their photos and /or videos. On television, 32 programmes over the same period included interviews with child victims of sexual abuse or their family members and broadcast details of the cases.

Also, data from the last electoral campaign (2021) showed that men accounted for 80.8% of the airtime while women for only 19.2%, although 39.8 % of the MP candidates running in the election were women. These data include airtime during the news editions, as well as airtime from political talk shows and live connections. At the same time, qualitative analysis of media coverage of the campaign has shown that political candidates are the subject of a gendered portrayal in the media. Women receive not only less amount of time, but their coverage focuses more on personal life versus professional, while women candidates’ looks and appearance are targeted in the media through sexist language, hate speech and derogatory comments.

Similar perceptions are also shared by women journalists, who during the last year have raised concerns about cases of sexual harassment and online violence and gender-based disinformation. However, such cases are not reported officially and usually no charges are filed due to an overall climate of intimidation and a general attitude of ‘blaming the victim’.

The new amendments to the Broadcasting Code aim to address some of these topics, especially regarding the programming content of audiovisual media. 

Male experts are evidently and systematically more often invited by media to comment on political and other relevant matters and events than female experts. The data from the 2020 monitoring on "Women Representation in Albanian Media" show the unequal number of female experts invited in the two main prime time talk shows on current affairs in the two most watched TV stations in the country.  The study conducted by a Pro-LGBT organization showed that on prime time TV shows, about 73% of guests are men, while only 27% of them are women. 

Score: avg (1&2)+avg(3-7)/2=(3+2.2)=2.6 High Risk

LOW (1)MEDIUM (2)HIGH (3)
12.1Do the leading news media in your country have a policy aiming at a balanced representation of women in the newsroom?
Most leading news media have a gender equality policy or other kinds of self-regulatory measures to make sure that there is adequate representation of women in the newsrooms and in management positions. Moreover, there are mechanisms at place to make sure women in the newsroom don’t encounter harassment or discrimination.Some news media have a gender equality policy or other kinds of self-regulatory measures to make sure that there is adequate representation of women in the newsrooms and in management positions. In these news media, there are mechanisms at place to make sure women in the newsroom don’t encounter harassment or discrimination.There is no gender equality policy in the newsrooms assessed, or they are not effective, leading to discrimination and harassment of female journalists.
12.2Are women journalists subject to harassment or online/ offline violence in your country?
The working environment of women journalists is safe, harassment online or offline is not common, sufficient safeguards are in place.Both men and women are harassed to a similar extent, (physical) violence against female journalists is not common.Cases of violence are reported and harassment of women journalists is common in the country, with many known and reported cases. Women are considered to be more targeted by harassment and violence than men.
12.3

What is the share of women among owners of leading news media?

VALUE TV: 37.5%, VALUE Radio: 25% VALUE Print:0 VALUE Online:54.54%

Average of VALUES: 29.25%

40 percent or moreBetween 39 and 30 percentLess than 30 percent
12.4

What is the share of women among founders of news media?

VALUE TV: 0 VALUE Radio: 0 VALUE Print:0 VALUE Online: 18.8%

Average of VALUES: 4.7%

40 percent or moreBetween 39 and 30 percentLess than 30 percent
12.5

What is the share of women amongst top managers of news media (such as editor-in-chief or CEO)?

VALUE TV: 58.33% VALUE Radio: 40% VALUE Print: 12.5 VALUE Online: 50%

Average of VALUES: 40.2%

40 percent or moreBetween 39 and 30 percentLess than 30 percent
12.6

What is the share of women in key editorial positions in the newsroom (such as leading editors below the level of editor-in-chief or department heads at television stations)? 

VALUE TV: 44.4% VALUE Radio: 30% VALUE Print: 3.75% VALUE Online: 7.1%

Average of VALUES: 21.31%

40 percent or moreBetween 39 and 30 percentLess than 30 percent
12.7

What is the share of women in key (board) positions in the newsroom (meaning non-editorial management positions, such as chief financial officer, head of sales and marketing, etc.)? 

VALUE TV: 35.29% VALUE Radio: 41.93% VALUE Print: 66.66% VALUE Online: 20%

Average of VALUES: 40.22

40 percent or moreBetween 39 and 30 percentLess than 30 percent

 

 

Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF), Monitoring media pluralism in the digital era : application of the media pluralism monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the year 2022 Accessed on 21.11.2023

  • Project by
    BIRN ALBANIA
  •  
    Global Media Registry
  •  
    Funded by European Union